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The Shariah Firestorm in Canada
>> Faisal Kutty
Renewing
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Hafiz Gulammohammed Bora
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Shariah Ignites
Firestorm in Canada
Page 28
Q-News, Issue 361
March 2005
The
law in Canada’s largest province, Ontario, allows for faith-based
independent dispute resolution. Orthodox Jews and Christian churches
have been doing it for almost 15 years. So why are critics so upset by
attempts by the members of the Muslim community to do the same? Faisal Kutty explores the thorny
issue.
The
plan to use formal panels of imams and Muslim scholars to resolve
family-law disputes in Ontario - Canada’s largest province and home to
over 400,000 Muslims, is neither radical nor subversive. Since 1991,
the Ontario Arbitration Act has allowed Orthodox Jews and Christians to
submit to voluntary faith-based alternative dispute resolution (ADR).
Bowing to pressure from critics, the Ontario government - who had at
first given its blessing to Muslim use of the Arbitration Act, referred
the matter to former provincial Attorney General Marion Boyd. Boyd was
asked to assess whether a plan by members of the province’s Muslim
community to use Islamic principles in settling marital and inheritance
disputes should be halted.
Boyd’s opinion has been categorical: “The Arbitration Act should,” she
writes in her 150-page report released in December, “continue to allow
disputes to be arbitrated using religious law.”
Iranian women and the secular Canadian Council of Muslim Women (CCMW)
led the campaign against allowing Muslims to use the Arbitration Act.
At times the opposition verged on Islamophobia. Soon after the
initiative was announced, the International Campaign for the Defense of
Women’s Rights in Iran, endorsed by about half a dozen women’s rights
and humanist groups, declared that “this attempt [to set up this
tribunal] will make it possible for political Islam to gain legal
credibility to attack women’s rights.”
The media amplified the hysterical reaction of opponents. “Canadian
judges soon will be enforcing Islamic law…such as stoning women caught
in adultery,” screamed one headline. “Canada Allowing Shariah Barbaric
Laws?” read another. Even the usually sober Globe and Mail got in on
the act with a front-page story entitled, “Tribunal will apply Islamic
Law in Ontario.”
Among the more than 650,000 Canadian Muslims, opinions range from
wholehearted endorsement to fear that tribunal decisions will be biased
against women. Some are clearly confused about the whole initiative.
For instance, in a position paper on the issue CCMW president, Alia
Hogben, writes: “We see no compelling reason to live under any other
form of law in Canada, and we want the same laws to apply to us as to
other Canadian women. We prefer to live under Canadian laws, governed
by the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, which safeguard and protect our
equality rights. Although the judicial system is not perfect, we know
that there are mechanisms for change.”
This leaves the inaccurate impression that Muslims in Ontario would be
forced to refer matters to the tribunal and would have no protection
under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. In fact, any ADR
process would be voluntary, and both parties to any dispute must
participate willingly. Moreover, any decision rendered by a tribunal or
a panel of mediators would be subject to appeal to the civil courts and
would have to be consistent with the supreme law of the land, the
Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Lastly, ADR would only be
available in private disputes and only in areas that can be resolved
privately under Canadian law. Shariah is not coming to Canada and there
will be no Shariah courts.
Boyd’s considered verdict came after meeting with more than two hundred
people and receiving almost forty submissions. Boyd makes forty-six
well thought out recommendations, including:
- amendments
to the Family Law Act and the Arbitration Act to ensure that the
mediation and arbitration agreements are legally treated in the same
manner as marriage contracts and separation agreements;
- calling for
regulations to ensure proper record keeping, mandating written
decisions, and training of arbitrators;
- imposing a duty
on arbitrators to ensure that parties understand their rights and are
participating voluntarily;
- providing for
greater oversight and accountability, including empowering courts to
set aside arbitral awards for various reasons including if a party did
not understand the nature or consequences of the arbitration agreement;
- public education
and community development; and
- expanded
appeal possibilities
Critics have not been silenced. Guns blazing, they have called the
report a “betrayal” of women and “racist.” Nonsense.
Boyd, with impeccable feminist credentials, has balanced the rights of
Muslims who wish to voluntarily resolve their private disputes using
religious principles with the basic rights of vulnerable segments
within the community. In other words, the recommendations ensure that
there is substance to religious rights while simultaneously protecting
a vulnerable minority group member’s basic rights as set out in the
Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The fact is many Muslims wish to use
arbitration, which is part of Muslim tradition. Indeed, the Quran
specifically refers to arbitration in the context of matrimonial
disputes: “If you fear a breach between them (man and wife), then
appoint an arbitrator from his people and an arbitrator from her
people. If they desire reconciliation, God will make them of one mind.
God is all knowing, all aware.” (Sura An Nisa, verse 35)
Boyd’s report merely affirms the Constitutional right to religious
freedom, equal treatment under the law, multiculturalism and ensures
that Ontario is in compliance with Canada’s international obligations.
Indeed, Article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights, to which Canada acceded on 19 May 1976, imposes a positive duty
on a state to assist its minorities to preserve its values by allowing
them to enjoy their own culture and to profess and practice their own
religion.
The forty-six recommendations addressed the legitimate concerns raised
and ignored the alarmist rants of some opponents who sought to exclude
Muslims from using existing Ontario law. The Arbitration Act allows
parties to settle their disputes using any principles they wish,
whether they be Christian, Jewish, Muslim or otherwise. Other
communities have successfully implemented Alternative Dispute
Resolution initiatives with much less hue and cry. For instance,
rabbinical courts or Beth Din’s dealing with business and matrimonial
issues have been functioning for some time in Ontario. Christians and
others have also made use of the Act.
Some have criticized Boyd’s position that independent legal advice
(ILA) can be waived by a party if they wish. As it stands now, nobody
can be forced to obtain an ILA for any legal matter - though this may
be moot as this leaves it open for courts to set aside any agreements
or arbitral decisions. Forcing ILA would be great for the legal
profession but - as pointed out by the Law Society and Bar Associations
- would seriously restrict the ability of people to bargain freely or
settle issues without a lawyer and would clearly represent unnecessary
intrusion by governments into the private domain.
I can appreciate that many are concerned about the exploitation of
Muslim women. However, the discourse is now bordering on being racist.
For instance, critics contend that there is no way to ascertain true
consent, as Muslim women will be forced to cave in to social pressure
and accept unfair decisions. The concern is valid but is not restricted
to Muslims and can be partly addressed by imposing duties on
arbitrators. Moreover, the situation may be no different in the legal
setting where the vast majority of cases are settled out of court and
where parties compromise for less than their legal entitlements in many
cases without legal advice. Indeed, a growing number are now resolving
their disputes, including family matters, themselves or through
paralegals who, in many cases, act for both parties without any
consideration as to whether the parties appreciate what rights they are
giving up.
The Canadian legal system is based on the premise that in private
settings, individuals with legal capacity can make their own decisions
and agreements even if these may not be the “correct” choice according
to the majority. Should Muslim women not be allowed to sign marriage
contracts, separation agreements or settle any disputes without
independent legal advice (ILA) while everyone else can exercise this
choice?
A paternalistic attitude toward the Muslim community will not solve the
issue of social pressure and may in fact alienate many. Moreover, as
Boyd quite accurately points, precluding arbitration would not only
limit people’s options for resolving their disputes, it may also “push
the practice of religious arbitration outside the legal system
altogether, thus limiting the court’s ability to intervene to correct
problems.”
Alternative dispute resolution is already being practiced within the
community and people are abiding by decisions. These decisions, in some
cases unjust and crude, are treated as if they were the word of God and
therefore binding. Formalising the process will allow for greater
transparency and accountability. As long as there are proper procedures
and rules of conduct in place there is nothing preventing the community
from instituting a dynamic and less disruptive alternative to the
adversarial court system.
Boyd has kept intact the integrity of the alternative dispute
resolution system while protecting the vulnerable and ensuring that
“back alley arbitrations and mediations” are minimised as much as
possible.
The Ontario government should accept Boyd’s report and move on. Muslim
communities elsewhere eager to establish alternative dispute resolution
should watch this debate closely and learn from the Canadian
experience.
Faisal Kutty is a lawyer with
the firm of Baksh & Kutty and general counsel for the
Canadian-Muslim Civil Liberties Association. He is currently an LL.M.
candidate in civil litigation and alternative dispute resolution at
Osgoode Hall Law School of York University.
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